Political repression in Zimbabwe is continuing amid revelations that President Robert Mugabe's administration is using the state machinery to abuse critics of his government.
Movement for Democratic Change activists have been on the receiving end as the Zanu PF government launched an onslaught on all critics of the sitting administration.
Apart from targeting the MDC as a political party, the regime has also put party leader Morgan Tsvangirai and his lieutenants as subjects of arrests and harassment. Not only are Tsvangirai and top MDC officials are subject of victimization in Zimbabwe but ordinary people suspected to have links with the opposition party.
Some MDC activists in Mutare were accused of possessing arms of war ostensibly to remove Mugabe's government.
Like Tsvangirai who was accused and later acquitted of planning to eliminate Mugabe using a Canadian firm led by Ari Ben Menashe of Dickens and Madison, the late Zanu Ndonga leader, Ndabaningi Sithole, was also accused of plotting to assassinate Mugabe.
One of Tsvangirai's aides, Sunganai Gwezere, was incarcerated by Harare authorities for allegedly possessing an unlicensed fire-arm in the run up to the June 2000 parliamentary polls. He was convicted by a Harare magistrate and jailed for five years. However, Gwezere appealed in the High Court which grant his application for release. The High Court ordered him to report every Friday at the Criminal Investigations Department Law and Order Section at Harare Central Police Station while awaiting judgement.
The High Court later upheld the decision of the Magistrates Court prompting him to challenge both his conviction and sentence in the Supreme Court.
Meanwhile, Gwezere says his case has taken too long to be finalised.
"I am now sick and tired of reporting every week to the police. This treatment is very degrading and I am traumatised. The police always harass me when I go to report to them every week", said Gwezere.
Tuesday, January 23, 2007
Thursday, January 18, 2007
Am I in Zimbabwe?
By Frank Chikowore
Johannesburg: Walking along Abel Street in Johannesburg's sprawling suburb of Berea, one might think he or she is in the Joburg Lines in Harare's Mbare high density suburb. But alas, this is South Africa where you here Zimbabwean music from almost each and every household.
Is this because South African love Zimbabwean music most or what? Its because several Zimbabweans are making their way here every day as the economic situation is getting worse every day in Zimbabwe.
How these people find their way here is vry miraculous with the tight security that has been put in place by President Mbeki's government.
But some Zimbabweans I spoke to were quick to point out "this is South Africa, money speaks my friend. Everything is possible when you have money".
They bought their way into the country. Corruption at the border, azt roadblocks and corruption everywhere.
In some cases, some Zimbabweans who came here illegally now even have South African identity documents. Some are even contemplating not going back to Zimbabwe again unless the economic and socio-economic crisis in the country comes to an end.
Johannesburg: Walking along Abel Street in Johannesburg's sprawling suburb of Berea, one might think he or she is in the Joburg Lines in Harare's Mbare high density suburb. But alas, this is South Africa where you here Zimbabwean music from almost each and every household.
Is this because South African love Zimbabwean music most or what? Its because several Zimbabweans are making their way here every day as the economic situation is getting worse every day in Zimbabwe.
How these people find their way here is vry miraculous with the tight security that has been put in place by President Mbeki's government.
But some Zimbabweans I spoke to were quick to point out "this is South Africa, money speaks my friend. Everything is possible when you have money".
They bought their way into the country. Corruption at the border, azt roadblocks and corruption everywhere.
In some cases, some Zimbabweans who came here illegally now even have South African identity documents. Some are even contemplating not going back to Zimbabwe again unless the economic and socio-economic crisis in the country comes to an end.
Sunday, January 14, 2007
Media Fraud! What Fraud Mahoso?
When Wilf Mbanga, one of the founding editors of the banned Daily News, introduced his title from London, the Media and Information Commission chairperson Tafataona Mahoso was quick to dismiss the paper as a “gigantic media fraud”.
Little did he know that the paper was going to be accepted by concerned Zimbabweans as an alternative media!
What Mahoso implied in his statement is that Mbanga’s establishment was a creation of foreign powers. Not only did he know that the arrival of the paper would create competition with the state-controlled newspapers, but it would mark a new media shift from the usually run-on-the-mill stories published by the state-media that are awash with pro-Zanu PF propaganda.
I have to admit that most of stories being published by The Zimbabwean are critical of the dictatorial tendencies of the sitting government, but it has to be put on record that such publications are necessary in pushing for checks and balances in any democracy.
While Mahoso is entitled to his views, I would want to challenge him to explain to the world why he is forcing journalists to pay a fine of ZW$10 000 (US$ 40 at the official exchange rate) per day for not renewing their accreditation in time.
The fine that Mahoso is imposing is in itself a “gigantic media fraud”. If I may ask, what is going to be done with that money? I know it for certain that the MIC has performed dismally since the promulgation of the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act in March 2002. I don’t know of any training programs that the commission has supported or facilitated.
Where does Mahoso think that journalists get the money when he knows fully aware that journalists are being paid peanuts for their published stories? Imagine one getting a payment of not more ZW$2 000 (US$8) for a story by well-established newspaper domiciled in Zimbabwe. I challenge Mahoso to consult editors at the few newspapers that are in the country today to see how much money they are paying their stringers.
What does one do with an amount? ZW$2 000 only pays one person’s round trip to go to the city centre from Mufakose high density suburb.
It is a pity that the MIC has seen it fit to criminalise the journalism profession. What Mahoso needs to understand is that the registration fees imposed by the MIC covers the whole year from January 1 to December 31.
I challenge Mahoso to explain why his commission thinks the fine is necessary. In view of these stringent measures that the government continues to impose on the media, it must also be noted that the MIC is also requiring freelance journalists to produce letters of recommendation from the editors. Some editors have allegedly told my fellow comrades that they would not be able to provide them with such kind of letters for undisclosed reasons.
The MIC must be reminded that their commission is destroying hopes of a positive development in the country’s media sector.
There is need for the establishment of an organization that caters for the genuine interests of genuine freelancers not organizations that are led by people who are known to be political activists.
I note with dismay that such hindrances are not at all healthy to the development of the media in Zimbabwe.
I feel that the Voluntary Media Council that media groups in Zimbabwe intend to launch on the 26th of this month is the only answer to the problems journalists are facing in Zimbabwe.
Little did he know that the paper was going to be accepted by concerned Zimbabweans as an alternative media!
What Mahoso implied in his statement is that Mbanga’s establishment was a creation of foreign powers. Not only did he know that the arrival of the paper would create competition with the state-controlled newspapers, but it would mark a new media shift from the usually run-on-the-mill stories published by the state-media that are awash with pro-Zanu PF propaganda.
I have to admit that most of stories being published by The Zimbabwean are critical of the dictatorial tendencies of the sitting government, but it has to be put on record that such publications are necessary in pushing for checks and balances in any democracy.
While Mahoso is entitled to his views, I would want to challenge him to explain to the world why he is forcing journalists to pay a fine of ZW$10 000 (US$ 40 at the official exchange rate) per day for not renewing their accreditation in time.
The fine that Mahoso is imposing is in itself a “gigantic media fraud”. If I may ask, what is going to be done with that money? I know it for certain that the MIC has performed dismally since the promulgation of the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act in March 2002. I don’t know of any training programs that the commission has supported or facilitated.
Where does Mahoso think that journalists get the money when he knows fully aware that journalists are being paid peanuts for their published stories? Imagine one getting a payment of not more ZW$2 000 (US$8) for a story by well-established newspaper domiciled in Zimbabwe. I challenge Mahoso to consult editors at the few newspapers that are in the country today to see how much money they are paying their stringers.
What does one do with an amount? ZW$2 000 only pays one person’s round trip to go to the city centre from Mufakose high density suburb.
It is a pity that the MIC has seen it fit to criminalise the journalism profession. What Mahoso needs to understand is that the registration fees imposed by the MIC covers the whole year from January 1 to December 31.
I challenge Mahoso to explain why his commission thinks the fine is necessary. In view of these stringent measures that the government continues to impose on the media, it must also be noted that the MIC is also requiring freelance journalists to produce letters of recommendation from the editors. Some editors have allegedly told my fellow comrades that they would not be able to provide them with such kind of letters for undisclosed reasons.
The MIC must be reminded that their commission is destroying hopes of a positive development in the country’s media sector.
There is need for the establishment of an organization that caters for the genuine interests of genuine freelancers not organizations that are led by people who are known to be political activists.
I note with dismay that such hindrances are not at all healthy to the development of the media in Zimbabwe.
I feel that the Voluntary Media Council that media groups in Zimbabwe intend to launch on the 26th of this month is the only answer to the problems journalists are facing in Zimbabwe.
Thursday, January 4, 2007
Mugabe flexes muscles to extend his tenure
By Frank Chikowore
President Robert Mugabe’s succession squabbles within his ruling Zanu PF party prompted Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo to drop Tendai Savanhu from the commission running the affairs of the City of Harare , The Zimbabwe Times has established.
The sources said Chombo was acting on instructions from the head of state who is flexing his political muscles to extend his term of office by a further two years to 2010.
Mugabe’s latest antics to weed out his critics occupying key positions as demonstrated by Chombo, according to top Zanu PF officials, are ploys to force the party’s Central Committee to endorse proposals extending his hold on power.
“Savanhu is a member of the Central Committee. He is also a member of the (Zanu PF) Harare Province and it is a public secret that the provincial committee refused to endorse the proposal to extend the President’s term. Through Chombo’s actions, the President Mugabe wants to whip Savanhu into line before the Central Committee sits to review the resolutions made at the (Zanu PF) Annual People’s Conference in Goromonzi”, said a politburo member who requested not to be named.
The Goromonzi conference referred the proposal to extend Mugabe’s term to 2010 to the party’s Central Committee for scrutiny but the party organ is yet to make a decision.
Before being dropped by the minister last week, Savanhu was deputizing the re-appointed chairperson of the commission, Sekesayi Makwavarara – herself a political turncoat who got to Town House on an MDC ticket and later crossed the floor to join the ruling party.
“His (Savanhu’s) sacking from the Harare Commission is only a tip of the iceberg. Several heads are going to roll in our party’s structures as we prepare for our congress. The President is targeting all those who vehemently opposed the extension of his term during consultations before the conference in Goromonzi”, said one of the party’s Central Committee members.
But Chombo said he was acting in the best interests of Harare ’s ratepayers.
“As the responsible minister, I looked at who is capable of delivering and who is not. So at the end of the day I came up with a team that I believe will move the City of Harare forward. Political motives are neither here nor there”, said the minister before switching off his mobile phone.
Meanwhile, Mugabe reportedly quizzed Mashonaland East Governor and Resident Minister, Ray Kaukonde, over his utterances at the Goromonzi meeting where he told delegates that “yava nguva yekutaurirana chokwadi (Its time to be open with each other), things are not normal in the country economically”.
The sources said this statement provoked the ire of Mugabe who reportedly felt his power base was under siege.
“With a number of people within the party being viewed as potential candidates to succeed him, President Mugabe was really not happy with the governor (Kaukonde) and ended up summoning him for an explanation of his utterances. Kaukonde is being viewed as the front-man in the Mujuru camp and the President knows it and he is worried that Mujuru is being diplomatic in his approach to the succession saga at the same time pulling the strings from a distance”.
The sources said if the Central Committee does not approve proposals to extend the head of state’s tenure, Mugabe – who turns 83 in February this year – is contemplating calling for an extra-ordinary party congress before the expiry of his current term that would seek to endorse him as Zanu PF’s presidential candidate in 2008.
Zanu PF holds its congresses after every five years and the next one is penciled for December 2009. The congress elects the party’s presidium. Sources said Mugabe is now already pushing for congressional re-election after realizing that several figures within the rank and file of his party are against a constitutional amendment that would keep him in office a little bit longer.
“Mugabe wants to be in power for as long as it takes because he fears that he would be targeted by the international community for human rights violations. The Gukurahundi massacres are a thing that the old man is worried about, especially after the execution of Saddam Hussein who was viewed by the world superpowers ( Britain and the United States ) as a despot. This is why he is not happy with the bill that Jonathan Moyo wants to table before parliament”, said one source adding that Mugabe has ordered his party’s legislators to reject the bill when it is brought to the House of Assembly for debate.
Documented evidence suggests that more than 20 000 people were killed during the disturbances by the North Korean trained Five Brigade in Matabeleland and Midlands regions in the mid 1980s.
But Mugabe maintains that the Unity Accord of 1987, signed between Zanu PF and PF Zapu, marked the amicable resolution of the tribal conflict.
Mugabe’s spokesman George Charamba could not be reached for comment while Zanu PF spokesman Nathan Shamuyarira said “there are no problems in Zanu PF” emanating from the succession issue.
President Robert Mugabe’s succession squabbles within his ruling Zanu PF party prompted Local Government Minister Ignatius Chombo to drop Tendai Savanhu from the commission running the affairs of the City of Harare , The Zimbabwe Times has established.
The sources said Chombo was acting on instructions from the head of state who is flexing his political muscles to extend his term of office by a further two years to 2010.
Mugabe’s latest antics to weed out his critics occupying key positions as demonstrated by Chombo, according to top Zanu PF officials, are ploys to force the party’s Central Committee to endorse proposals extending his hold on power.
“Savanhu is a member of the Central Committee. He is also a member of the (Zanu PF) Harare Province and it is a public secret that the provincial committee refused to endorse the proposal to extend the President’s term. Through Chombo’s actions, the President Mugabe wants to whip Savanhu into line before the Central Committee sits to review the resolutions made at the (Zanu PF) Annual People’s Conference in Goromonzi”, said a politburo member who requested not to be named.
The Goromonzi conference referred the proposal to extend Mugabe’s term to 2010 to the party’s Central Committee for scrutiny but the party organ is yet to make a decision.
Before being dropped by the minister last week, Savanhu was deputizing the re-appointed chairperson of the commission, Sekesayi Makwavarara – herself a political turncoat who got to Town House on an MDC ticket and later crossed the floor to join the ruling party.
“His (Savanhu’s) sacking from the Harare Commission is only a tip of the iceberg. Several heads are going to roll in our party’s structures as we prepare for our congress. The President is targeting all those who vehemently opposed the extension of his term during consultations before the conference in Goromonzi”, said one of the party’s Central Committee members.
But Chombo said he was acting in the best interests of Harare ’s ratepayers.
“As the responsible minister, I looked at who is capable of delivering and who is not. So at the end of the day I came up with a team that I believe will move the City of Harare forward. Political motives are neither here nor there”, said the minister before switching off his mobile phone.
Meanwhile, Mugabe reportedly quizzed Mashonaland East Governor and Resident Minister, Ray Kaukonde, over his utterances at the Goromonzi meeting where he told delegates that “yava nguva yekutaurirana chokwadi (Its time to be open with each other), things are not normal in the country economically”.
The sources said this statement provoked the ire of Mugabe who reportedly felt his power base was under siege.
“With a number of people within the party being viewed as potential candidates to succeed him, President Mugabe was really not happy with the governor (Kaukonde) and ended up summoning him for an explanation of his utterances. Kaukonde is being viewed as the front-man in the Mujuru camp and the President knows it and he is worried that Mujuru is being diplomatic in his approach to the succession saga at the same time pulling the strings from a distance”.
The sources said if the Central Committee does not approve proposals to extend the head of state’s tenure, Mugabe – who turns 83 in February this year – is contemplating calling for an extra-ordinary party congress before the expiry of his current term that would seek to endorse him as Zanu PF’s presidential candidate in 2008.
Zanu PF holds its congresses after every five years and the next one is penciled for December 2009. The congress elects the party’s presidium. Sources said Mugabe is now already pushing for congressional re-election after realizing that several figures within the rank and file of his party are against a constitutional amendment that would keep him in office a little bit longer.
“Mugabe wants to be in power for as long as it takes because he fears that he would be targeted by the international community for human rights violations. The Gukurahundi massacres are a thing that the old man is worried about, especially after the execution of Saddam Hussein who was viewed by the world superpowers ( Britain and the United States ) as a despot. This is why he is not happy with the bill that Jonathan Moyo wants to table before parliament”, said one source adding that Mugabe has ordered his party’s legislators to reject the bill when it is brought to the House of Assembly for debate.
Documented evidence suggests that more than 20 000 people were killed during the disturbances by the North Korean trained Five Brigade in Matabeleland and Midlands regions in the mid 1980s.
But Mugabe maintains that the Unity Accord of 1987, signed between Zanu PF and PF Zapu, marked the amicable resolution of the tribal conflict.
Mugabe’s spokesman George Charamba could not be reached for comment while Zanu PF spokesman Nathan Shamuyarira said “there are no problems in Zanu PF” emanating from the succession issue.
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